
Glass. 



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THE UNION. OF STATES: 



AN ORATION 



DELIVE 11 E D B E F O R E T II E 



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AT THE 



ACADEMY OF MUSIC, NEW YORK, FEB. 22, 1855, 



ON THE OCCASION OF THE CEI.EBR YTION Of THJ 



ONE HUNDKEi) & TWENTY-THIRD ANNIVERSARY. 



BIRTHDAY OF WASHINGTON 



Hon. THOMAS R. WHITNEY 



PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS. 



NEW YORK : 

BRO. WILLIAM B. WEISS. PRINTER, 18 SPRUCE STREET 

1855. 



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THE UNION OF STATES: 



AN ORATION Z~~ 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE 

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AT THE 



ACADEMY OF MUSIC, NEW YORK, FEB. 22, 1855, 



ON THE OCCASION OF THE CELEBRATION OF THE 



ONE HUNDRED & TWENTY-THIRD ANNIVERSARY 



OF THE 



BIRTHDAY OF WASHINGTON, 



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Hon. THOMAS R. WHITNEY 



PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS. 



1876. \ 



NEW YORK : 

BRO. WILLIAM B. WEISS, PRINTER, 18 SPRUCE STREET. 

1855. 



New-Youk, March 20, 1855. 
Hon. Thomas R. Whitney, 

Dear Sir : — On behalf of the Convention of Delegates for the arrangement of 
the Celebration of the Anniversary of "Washington's Birthday, on the 22d February 
last, we are requested to solicit a copy of your patriotic address on that occasion 
for publication. 

We have the honor to be, fraternally and truly, 

Your obedient Servants, 



W. W. Osborn, 

F. C. Wagner, )■ Committee. 

Charles E. Gildersleve, 



,eve, ) 



Senate Chamber, ) 

Albany, March 23, 1855. J 

Gentlemen : 

In compliance -with your request, I have the honor to forward for publication, 
a copy of the address delivered by me before the Order of United Americans, in the 
city of New- York, on the late Anniversary of the birth of George Washington. 

Very truly and fraternally I have the honor to be, 

Your obedient Servant, 

THOMAS R. WHITNEY. 



Messrs. Wm W. Osbokn, 

Frederick C. Wagner, )■ Comrrfittee. 
Charles E. Gildersleve, 



5VE, ) 



THE UNION OF STATES : 

DELIVERED BEFORE THE ORDER OF UNITED AMERICANS, 

At the ACADEMY OF MUSIC, New York, February 22d, 1855. 

By Hon. THOMAS R. WHITNEY. 



Mr. Chairman, — Our Order to-day holds its annual jubilee — to-day it 
reanimates the patriotism of a free people — brings out in bold relief upon 
the sordid present, reminiscences of the glorious past, revives in every Amer- 
ican breast that innate sense of public duty which is too often submerged 
in the selfish ritual of life, the enchantments of gain or the demoralizing 
chains of partizan servility. To-day, sir, our Order of United Americans 
holds up before the eyes of the nation its talisman of power — a talisman 
more potent than the wand of the magi or the amulet of the seer — a talis- 
man before which the spirits of the people bow down in reverence, and 
against which none can stand. It is enthroned in awe and majesty — it is 
cherished in every heart — it is honored in every clime. That talisman, 
sir, is the name of GEORGE WASHINGTON. Sir, it is the purpose of 
this Order to perpetuate his principles — to emulate his patriotism, to main- 
tain inviolate the thrice blessed liberties which he gave to us, and to defend 
that glorious confederation of free empires over which he presided. Let us 
invoke the spirit of the mighty dead to be with us this day, that it may 
hover over and inspire us — that it may mingle soul with soul — that the spirit of 
'76 may invigorate the spirit of this hour, and draw us gently away, for a 
little season, from the mercenary claims of self, the abasement of party, and the 
insanities of impulse. And in that revered presence let us remember the 



perfection of his character — let us renew the home sentiment in draughts 
from the fountain of his admonitions, and once more resolve to keep fresh 
in our memories, and to maintain in our actions, the stern lessons of patri- 
otic duty which have heen inscribed by his hand and transmitted to us, as 
the guide of our feet — as the rule of our national faith. 

After having led the tattered armies of the Revolution successfully 
through a seven-years' war, and brought them victorious out of a hundred 
battles with the well trained legions of a powerful foe ; — after having pre- 
sided over the new-born nation, and* like a father solicitous for his offspring, 
guided the tottering footsteps of the infant Republic until the vigor of youth 
was in its bones, and the spirit of self-reliance was in its heart ; after hav- 
ing sown the seeds of a popular government, watched the dawn of its ex- 
istence, sheltered the young shoot, and given it shape, and comeliness, and 
strength to resist the storm blast ; after assuring himself that the prin- 
ciples of civil liberty had been firmly implanted in the hearts of the peo- 
ple, and that they were prepared to resist and turn aside the insidious ap- 
proaches of ambitious or designing men — it was then that Washington, 
turning from the cares of public duty, and seeking in his declining years 
the quietude of private life, then it was that he gave to us, his people, the 
rich legacy of his wisdom, his patriotism and his public virtue. 

At this period of his life the solicitude of an affectionate parent was in- 
tensely revealed, and before quitting the helm of state, at which he had 
stood undaunted through all the storms and trials and vicissitudes of our 
primary existence as a nation, he laid down before us a chart of the shoals, 
rocks and quicksands that would lie in our course, and made his final ap- 
peal to posterity on behalf of our political Union — and to that I desire now 
to call your attention. 

From his Farewell Address, issued at this time, I will read here an ex- 
tract for our mutual consideration : 

" The unity of government 'which constitutes you one people, is also now dear 
to you. It is justly so, for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real indepen- 
dence — the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad ; of your safety, 
of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to 
foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be 
taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth ; 
as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal 
and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and 
insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the 
immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness ; 
that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it ; accus 



toming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your safety and 
prosperity ; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing 
whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned ; and 
indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any por- 
tion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble to sacred ties which now link to- 
gether its various parts." 

More than half a century ago this admonition was uttered in solemn 
earnestness by George "Washington, yet how truthful is the application of 
every sentiment which it contains at the present day. It embodies an im- 
mutable principle, and hence is unchangeable. It utters no mere specu- 
lation — no individual opinion — no theory adapted to a peculiar crisis or 
condition, but a living truth, wisely set forth and eternal in its application. 
In union there is strength, in strength safety, in safety repose, prosperity 
and happiness. Our Union then is the point of our political fortress, " against 
which," said Washington, " the batteries of our enemies will be directed," 
and we are called upon by the simple instinct of self-preservation, if by no 
nobler tie, to " discountenance whatever may suggest even a suspicion that 
our Union can, in any event, be abandoned." 

No patriot will gainsay this sentiment. Show me the man who would 
consent in any event, to a dissolution of the Union of these States, and I 
will show you a traitor to his country, or an enemy to our republic. Sir, it 
is well for us to remember how this Union was accomplished. 

Come with me, to the Capitol of our country in the year 1789. George 
Washington, our first President, is there. Above him, streaming on the 
free air, floats the standard of a new-born nation. On its heaven-hued field, 
sparkling like a new glory, behold the emblematic constellation, " thirteen 
stars" — type of a brotherhood of States, baptized in revolutionary blood, 
and consecrated to an eternal fraternity upon the altar of civil and religious 
liberty ! That altar had been by their own hands erected, in the very vor- 
tex of a whirlpool of carnage, and before its sacred fires they had severally 
sworn to be one and indivisible in the great family of nations. There stood 
New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, 
South Carolina and Georgia. 

Come with me again to the Capitol, in the year 1796 — George Wash- 
ington is still there, the master-spirit of the new confederacy — still proudly 
floats that standard sheet above, but lo ! three stars are added to the galaxy 
— sixteen free and independent States are now in close embrace, and their 
broad motto, " E Pluribus Unum," flaunts fearlessly in the face of the world. 



8 

The up-growing giant has multiplied his resources — he has increased in ter- 
ritory, in population, in all the elements of national power — and the bond 
of fraternal unity remains unshaken. No sectional jealousies disturb the 
slumbers of the people. No geographical demarcation limits their patriot- 
ism or their love. Vermont, Kentucky and Tennessee had thrown their 
stars into the free constellation — their oaths into the compact, and their 
energies into the Union. 

Come with me now to the sunny South. Let the balmy breath of a Vir- 
ginia winter fan your Northern brow — the month, December, the year, 1799. 
Come to the banks of the Potomac — come to Mount Vernon ; behold the 
sorrowmg visage of the land ; gaze with me on the dull sarcophagus. All 
that was mortal of George Washington lies there ! His mission is ac- 
complished ; he has fought the battle of freedom ; he has guided the infant 
Republic towards its manhood ; he has left a priceless legacy to his people ; 
and at last, robed in that serenity of character which distinguished him in 
life, he has resigned his spirit to the Creator. Over his cold remains droops 
now in many a listless fold the starry banner of his emancipated country. 
Who mourns ? Who weeps over the great dead ? Is Virginia, the parent 
spot of his nativity, alone bowed down in grief? Is the great South only 
bereaved ? Oh, no ; for although Virginia claims him as her son, %ve claim 
him Father. A Nation mourns ! On every hand, the muffled dram and 
funeral march are heard ; the loud-mouthed minute guns roll up their an- 
thems of woe to the startled skies, and the Green Mountains of the North 
send back their mournful echoes to the Catskill and the Alleghanies ! It is 
a general bereavement. 

Not one may claim a special sense of woe, 
But o'er his bier a. Nation's tears shall flow ; 
No single State may spread the funeral pall, 
He gave his name, his fame, his life, alike to all. 

Come with me again — come from the dead to the living. It is the year 
1813. Behold the proud ship " Old Ironsides," as she sweeps the broad 
bosom of the Atlantic, seeking the foes of our Union ! From her gallant 
peak streams our gay banner, with two more spangles on its azure field — 
eighteen stars now adorn the flowing ensign, eighteen States now comprise 
the confederacy, and the young giant is already putting forth Ins strength 
against his ancient oppressor, in the cause of right and justice. Ohio, from 
the teeming prairies of the West, and Louisiana, from her gulf-bound south- 



ern shore, stretch forth their arms to the far North and the far East, sworn 
hrothers in a common family ! 

Thus, sir, our confederation was formed — thus, one hy one, new States 
have been added to our Union, and as each in succession became enrolled 
in the great American fraternity, a new planet has been added to the ceru- 
lean field of the nation. Behold it now — it numbers thirty-one ! Beneath 
that starry ensign has been reared the noblest structure of social govern- 
ment that the world has ever known. The spirit of human progress has 
felt its potent influence and rolled on its car of conquest triumphantly. Un- 
der its protecting folds the people of our land have been not only happy in 
their relations with the State, but individually prosperous beyond all prece- 
dent ; and the stride of our country towards national greatness and power 
and honor has been unparalleled : it has excited the amazement of those na- 
tions who are still bound down in the stagnant, pulseless, enervating chan- 
nels of old customs, the superstition of old dogmas, and the barbarous no- 
tion that kings alone can govern. In population we have increased in three 
quarters of a century, from three millions to twenty-three millions. Our 
boundary has expanded from ocean to ocean, clasping a continent in its 
embrace ; education has spread its mantle of light over the land, and art, 
science and literature have bloomed and expanded to full fruition, — verily, 

" Old things have passed away ; behold, 
All things are become new." 

The genius of man has been unchained, and it has roamed free and far 
over new fields in search of new discoveries. It has given us a Fulton and 
a Morse, with their steam engine and electric telegraph — the old slow-coach 
system has been swept away, and we are not now content with a pace less 
than thirty, forty or fifty miles the hour, either in physics of ethics. The 
fiery courser sweeps over the iron road with his ponderous burthen — the 
lightning has been harnessed and made the messenger of our wants — space 
is annihilated ! The word progress, intellectual and civil progress, is writ- 
ten on every fine and feature of our national structure, and already its moral 
influence is felt in the far-off regions of superstition and despotism. Men 
begin to think, feel and act for themselves as we do — the old worm-eaten 
ideas of "legitimacy" and priestcraft in government are yielding ; men are 
held in servitude only by the bayonet ; and, if this chain of progress goes on 
uninterruptedly, who shall foretell the final grandeur of the American 
Union. 



10 

These, sir, are among the multiplied advantages derived by man, and 
especially by the American citizen, under the protection of yon spangled en- 
sign—the flag of the United States of North America. Shall that glorious 
emblem of freedom and fraternity suffer mutilation ? Shall a single star be 
permitted to fall from that proud constellation, and mark in its fall the re- 
creancy of a degenerate people ? No ! Under the blessing and protecting 
guidance of that power on which Washington relied in the hour of struggle 
— that power which led him and his suffering co-patriots, like the children 
of Israel, from captivity to freedom — that heavenly power which has watched 
over us and prospered us, and made us what we are — I answer, no ! 

Washington told us, sir, as I have read, that this Union of States under 
which we have so prospered " is the point of our political fortress against 
which the batteries of our enemies would be directed." Let me now call 
to your mind one avenue through which he feared the assault might come. 
In the same address from which I have already quoted, we rind the follow- 
ing words : — 

" In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as a mat- 
ter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing 
parties by geographical discriminations — Northern and Southern — Atlantic and 
Western ; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real 
difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire in- 
fluence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other 
districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart" 
burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; they tend to render alien to 
each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection." 

It would almost seem that the bare recital of these words w r ould be suffi- 
cient to awaken in the soul of every hearer a sense of the present danger 
which broods like an evil omen over our Union. How truthful the warning 
— how applicable to the present hour ! Already has the enemy directed 
his batteries against this point of our political fortress ; already have party 
lines been drawn with " geographical discriminations." North and South 
are divided — misrepresentations have been made — -jealousies and heartburn- 
ings have sprung up, and they have alienated in sentiment and feeling 
" those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. " 

This is neither the time nor the place to unroll the records of the day, in 
proof of my declaration ; nor do I deem to requisite. The fact is self-evident 
to the mind of every human creature. There is a deep-seated hostility 
among the people of our country, traced by geographical discriminations, — 



11 

a hostility detrimental to the integrity of the Union itself. There is a Nor- 
thern sentiment, and a Southern sentiment, and on either side the spirit of 
treason is not without its votaries. 

This anti-American sentiment may have heen created in part by enemies 
within, and in part by enemies without, but most assuredly the " expedients 
of party" have fanned this flame to its present magnitude, and unless the 
inborn spirit of patriotism, which finds a home in the heart of every true 
American, shall rise up and crush with its indignant frown, the reckless de- 
magogue, the worst fears of Washington may be realized, and our glorious 
Union abandoned. 

Our Union is the weak point against which the batteries of the foes of 
our liberties would be directed. Ah ! — but where shall the Union be as- 
sailed ? — Where is the weak point of the weak point ? There must be some 
internal cause, some groundwork upon which to build the structure of hos- 
tility. The enemies of liberty would make small progress, I imagine, should 
they attack the Union boldly in its intrinsic character. There is not a State 
in the land, nor an American in any State, who would not frown down an 
assault like that. No, sir ; — we have no fears of an open assault ; there 
must be a crevice found, into which the entering wedge of disunion may be 
insidiously inserted — there must be a pretext whereon to base a sectional 
animosity — there must be a quarrel fomented on some plausible pretence. 
The first assault of any importance was based upon the question of a tariff. 
Briefly thus. The North, engaged in manufactures, demanded that high 
duties should be imposed upon all similar European fabrics, as a means of 
protecting the home article. On the other hand, it was suggested that the 
imposition of such a scale of duties would seriously affect the interests of the 
cotton growers of the South, because the European demand for their pro- 
ducts would necessarily be lessened. We shall not pause here to discuss 
the right or the wrong of this opinion. It is enough to know that the North 
persisted in its demands, and that the South as vehemently resisted — that 
Europe took sides with the cotton producers, that they were induced to be- 
lieve that the demands of the North were made, not so much for the pro- 
tection of its own interests, as with a view to cripple the interests of the 
South, and that the southern institution of slavery was the exciting cause 
of the whole feud. It is enough for our present purpose to know that the 
most violent sectional heartburnings were created — that the councils of the 
nation were fearfully agitated — that John C. Calhoun, the champion of the 
South, openly declared his project of secession, and that disunion was the 
great topic of the time. What would have been the result is known only 



12 

to the Supreme Ruler of nations had not the patriotism and the wisdom of 
Henry Clay poured the oil of reconciliation upon the troubled waters. At 
that fearful hour his majestic mind conceived the means of rescue. Sensi- 
ble of the critical nature of the theme, stepping from the platform of his 
party, and from southern ground upon neutral ground, he introduced his 
compromise, and the storm was at an end — the spirit of disunion was laid. 

He is now no more — and our country, alas ! looks in vain for one to fill 
his place. "Who shall allay the present tempest ? Where is the man pos- 
sessing the courage to grasp, and the genius to direct the lightnings of dis- 
cord which now pierce the very heart of our country ! Let echo answer. 

The crisis to which I have alluded being over, a few years of repose fol- 
lowed, and again the foes of liberty renew their attack. Another vulner- 
able point is discovered. Again the batteries of our enemies are directed 
against the Union. 

Sir, when the smoke of the American revolution had cleared away, and 
the several commonwealths, theretofore colonies of Great Britain, sealed 
their national compact and constituted themselves a free and independent 
republic, one and indivisible, there was found upon the soil, a relic, as it 
were, of the parent government, the institution of African Slavery. No 
commonwealth was free from it, and accustomed as the people had been to 
it, it became imperceptibly a part of the domestic policy of each State, and 
seems moreover, to have been recognized as a local institution, by the or- 
ganic law of the nation. But in the States of the North neither the soil 
nor the climate were adapted to an extensive or profitable employment of 
that class of laborers, and the institution itself being under all circumstances 
repugnant to the best attributes of humanity, the people in that section of 
the Union were not long in adopting measures for its gradual abandonment. 
Thus by slow gradations, State after State relieved itself of a burthen at 
once unprofitable and distasteful. The progress of abolition was, however, 
from North to South : those States most adapted by climate for the em- 
ployment of African labor being the last to part with the institution — exhi- 
biting, in a rational and philosophical view, the fact, that interest rather 
than philanthropy was the prime motive for its extinction on the one hand, 
and its continuation on the other. The frosty regions of the North were 
the antipodes of the African constitution, whereas in the sunny clime of the 
South, where the brain of the Caucasian would swoon under the tropical 
fervor, the African finds a temperature congenial with his nature. I men- 
tion this as a physiological fact, entirely apart from the question of slavery, 
and as the sole reason in my mind why the institution of slavery has not 



13 

ere now been abolished from the soil of our country. The innate instincts 
of our race, and especially the people of the United States, I believe to be 
identical. I am not prepared to avow that all of what we call humanity 
is concentrated in that particular district of country which lies north of the 
Potomac, and I believe that when the States of the South can find their 
interest in the abolition of slavery, they will part with it with as much 
alacrity as did the States of the North. Be that as it may, the North has 
abolished the institution of slavery, and the South continues it as she found 
it within her borders. 

Here, then, we find a broad distinguishing line of local custom between 
the Northern and Southern portions of our Union. Here is the crevice 
into which the enemies of our liberties have forced the entering wedge of 
disunion. The spirit of discord, through foreign channels, has seized upon 
this diversity of interest as the groundwork of hostility between the great 
divisions of our country — the North and the South. It has elevated its 
cause almost to a religious sentiment, and by enlisting the humane sympa- 
thies of a generation reared on what is called " free soil," — a generation 
which, owing to its very remoteness from slavery and all its attributes — 
forgetful of its origin, and regardless of its moral and legal accessories — is 
taught to regard it as an unnecessary institution, demoralizing in its effect, and 
sinful in the sight of God ! I say by enlisting these elements it has created 
a sentiment the most hostile to our peace, the most dangerous to our Union 
and our liberties. 

Taking advantage of this excited sentiment, the political parties of the 
country have not hesitated to seize on the prevailing topic North and South, 
and with a view to secure a local triumph, engraft the opposing dogmas on 
their respective banners. Demagogues of either party and in either district, 
with a view to acquire influence within particular limits, have " misrepre- 
sented the opinions and aims of other districts," and thus the popular mind 
has been abused and the sentiments of the people misled. Both the moral 
and the religious sentiments have, by crafty men North and South, been 
drawn into the political arena, and there are at this day practical disunion- 
ists acting unconsciously under the control of these men, ostensibly in the 
cause of humanity and religion, who woidd shudder and refrain if they 
could realize what must be the ultimate effect of their proceedings on the 
peace, and perhaps the very destiny of their country. 

Sir, I do not hesitate to say, in the words of the Poet Pollock, men have 

" put on the livery of heaven 

To serve the devil in ." 



14 

I know, sir, in making these remarks, that while I cannot he misunder- 
stood, I subject myself to wilful misrepresentation. In that I shall defend 
myself. I am not here as the apologist of slavery in any form or under any 
circumstances. I thank God that the institution has been long since swept 
away from the soil of this, my native State, and I pray to God that it may 
eventually pass from the limits of my country and from the face of the 
earth. I am not of those who believe that because African labor is best 
adapted to the glowing regions of the South, that labor must necessarily 
come from the thews and muscles of the slave ; no — I believe the negro 
will labor as well in freedom as in bondage, and that our brethren of the 
South would realize as well from the paid services of the voluntary laborer 
as from a compulsory service. But they are not now in the condition so to 
employ it ; the institution has been fastened upon them by precedent gen- 
erations and precedent governments — and it requires time, under the pro- 
gressive sentiments of the age, to enable them to rid themselves of it. And 
let me assure you as a solemn truth, that under our present form of govern- 
ment, whereby the local institutions of each several State are firmly and 
unequivocally guarantied, jwlitical agitation on this subject at the North is 
but a barrier in the way of emancipation — it exasperates without con- 
vincing. 

Under the circumstances in which the institution exists in a portion of 
our common country, panoplied, as it is, in rights vested and solemnly gua- 
ranteed, it should be approached with dignity and forbearance ; and when 
we do approach it, we should rise from the capricious and inflammable 
standard of the politician, up to the more rational and appropriate one of 
the philanthropist. It is a theme for the pulpit and the closet, rather than 
the hustings. Our confederation is too sacred to be placed in jeopardy by it. 

" It is of infinite moment," said Washington, "that you should properly 
estimate the immense value of your national Union, — accustoming your- 
selves to think of it as the palladium of your political safety." By this we 
see that Washington himself regarded the maintenance of the confederation 
as a test, upon which rests the very existence of liberal institutions. I be- 
lieve the principle to be a true one, and if it be so, then our government, as 
a whole, is an experiment. Should our Union be abandoned, should the 
stars of that glorious banner be scattered abroad — that experiment will be 
fearfully resolved — the problem will be wrought out, and the solution will 
stand for centuries as a proof that the idea of popular government is but a 
fallacy, — 

" The baseless fabric of a vision." 



15 

In that fall the hopes of millions yet in bondage will go down. There is 
scarcely a crowned head in all Europe, from the lofty tiara of Rome down 
to the most insignificant German principality, that has not trembled under 
the moral effect of our institutions. There is scarcely a people not utterly 
chained down in brutal ignorance, that has not, encouraged by our example, 
exhibited symptoms of a yearning for freedom ; but although borne down by 
the combined powers of despotism — although the growing flame of liberty 
has been smothered, it cannot be extinguished so long as the glorious bea- 
con of America sheds its warming and invigorating lustre upon their hearts. 

I have said, sir, that this assault upon the peace of our country has been 
promoted by foreign influences. This assertion is susceptible of proof, not- 
withstanding the covert manner in which our enemies have conducted their 
plans. The subject of slavery is one that has elicited the philanthropic 
sentiment of the whole American people, North and South, since the foun- 
dation of the Republic, but it was not until about the year 1830 that the 
subject assumed an exciting character. At that time some of the more 
energetic abolitionists of this State were joined by certain subjects of Great 
Britain, who in unmeasured terms denounced not only the institution of 
slavery, but all connected with it. Among these was Wm. Lloyd Garrison- 
After him came the notorious George Thompson, a member of the British 
Parliament. He made several visits to our northern soil, and his denuncia- 
tions of our fellow-countrymen of the South are familiar to everybody. Be- 
sides these were many of lesser note, all bent on the same nefarious errand. 
During this entire period the British press has teemed with denunciations of 
American slavery, and their articles have been often copied in our Northern 
papers, for the express purpose of inflaming the growing sectional hostility. 
In 1841 Frazer's Magazine contained an article declaring that the next war 
between the United States and England would be "a war of philanthropy," 
for the purpose of freeing the slaves of the Southern States, and the writer 
felicitated himself on the assurance that the Northern States would join in 
the war of extermination against their Southern brethren. The British no- 
bility, evidently with the sanction of the ministry of the crown, have lost 
no opportunity in fomenting this discord, and have gone so far as to form a 
great society for the abolition of slavery in the United States, under the os- 
tensible patronage of her Grace, the Duchess of Sutherland. At a meeting 
of this Society in 1851, just after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law> 
the following chaste resolution was adopted by them : 

" Resolved, That this committee have witnessed with profound regret, the acta 
of the United States Congress during its last session, in relation to Slavery, and feel 



16 

it to be their duty to record their condemnation of the spirit in •which they were con- 
ceived, the principles on which they are based, and the objects they were intended 
to accomplish." 

I believe, sir, the Congress of the United States have never been famous 
for passing acts pleasurable to the aristocracy of Great Britain. I remember 
one act in particular which they passed on the fourth day of July, 1776, 
called a Declaration of Independence, which was visited with the most de- 
ided condemnation of those gentlemen. They did not like the spirit in 
which it was conceived, the principles on which it was based, nor the objects 
which it was intended to accomplish. 

That we have national sins enough to answer for, both moral and political 
I shall not pretend to deny, but I do deny both the right and the delicacy 
of England in lecturing us upon an evil which she herself planted upon our 
soil, and I warn my countrymen against the insidious influences of all moral 
lessons from such a source. The fact is, England, apart from her old poli- 
tical antipathy, entertains towards us other causes of jealousy. As the 
^reatest maritime and manufacturing power of the world, she looks upon 
our growing greatness with distrust and apprehension ; she sees our com- 
merce spreading — our fleets whitening every sea — our flag respected, and 
our young marine bearing the stripes and stars to every cranny of the oceans ; 
she sees our manufacturing genius, that giant ally of an empire's wealth, 
daily expanding it its growth, contesting with mercurial rapidity, the powers 
of her own, and already competing with her in some of its branches, in the 
best markets of the world. In brief, she sees in us a rival, who, in the un- 
interrupted progress of another quarter of a century, will become her su- 
perior in all that pertains to civilization and national power, and she seeks, 
as I firmly believe, to effect by insidious stratagem, that which she has 
never been able to accomplish by force — the destruction of our Union, and 
the downfall of our institutions. It becomes us, sir, as a people, to be for- 
tified against the arts, as strongly as against the arms of our foes. 

I believe this order, sir, in its spirit, reiterates the sentiments of President 
Jackson, wherein he declares, with that peculiar emphasis so characteris- 
tic of the man, " The Union must and shall be preserved." Look on 
that starry bunting, contemplate the moral it conveys, remember that 
every glittering gem in its blue field is the symbol of a living State in our 
happy confederacy, and then exclaim with our own poet, Stuart : 



17 

" Let him brave it who dare, as a foe, 

Or dishonor it e'en with a breath ; 
In the dust- we will trample him low, 

Or its folds shall enshroud us in death ; 
It shall float to the South, East and West, 

And the North — to the realm of the Czars — 
Then huzza ! as wc fling to the breeze 

The flag of the Stripes and the Stars ! " 

Mr. Chairman — I have nearly finished my task ; hut I cannot close 
without a word of encouragement and congratulation to my brothers of the 
"Old Guard" — the Order of United Americans. During ten long, 
tedious years, with the precepts of George Washington for our guide, we 
have battled against partizan corruption, against foreign influence, and 
against the spirit of disunion — and during all that period not an incident 
has occured to cast a stain upon our motives or our actions. The order 
stands now high in popular respect, and commands alike the admiration of 
the good, and the fears of the evil disposed. Combatted as it has been by 
the unyielding hatred of partizan demagogues, and the designing enemies 
of liberty — misunderstood and misrepresented, as it has been, by a large 
portion of the public press, and especially the political press of the country, 
its struggles were for a long period arduous and almost fruitless ; but 
through the fidelity of its members and the judicious zeal of its officers, it 
has outlived detraction, and now, although it has never assumed the form 
of a partizan organization, stands, pre-eminent, the conservative power of 
the nation. Firmly rooted in the constitution of the country, with a purity 
of purpose unknown to the political parties of the day, it sent forth its 
principles to the people and the people have nobly responded ; a psean of 
patriotism supplants the doggerel of the demagogue, and the cheering strain 
is heard, like a sweet melody swelling up from every valley in the land ! 
The spirit has gone forth, and the inspiring watchword of a free people is 
heard in the North, in the South, in the East, in the West, from the rugged 
shores of the Atlantic to the golden gates of the Pacific, " America for 
Americans ! " 

Be firm, be zealous, be prudent. Forget not the landmarks of our Order, 
for they are the landmarks set by the framers of our Republic. Turn not 
aside from the direct path of duty — the hour of our country's regeneration 
has come, and they who have taken the blazing torch of discord from the 
hands of foreign incendiaries, and waved its scorching flame across the 
land, have lived to see the hour of their triumph pass away. Foreign 



18 

dictation, whether secular or religious, shall no more sway the policy 
of these United States, for 'the patriotic pulse of the whole nation heats 
in unison with ours, and I know that I say not too much when I declare 
that the Order of United Americans will sustain and defend every star 
that adorns that flag — every State in their Union — every principle of the 
Constitution of their country. 




%p® %J <s> ^Ssjp® 



The One Hundred and Twenty-Third Anniversary 

OF 

WASHINGTON'S BIRTHDAY 

WAS CELEBRATED BY THE 

®xkx of Into Americans, 

In their Accustomed Manner (with a Parade and Oration), on 
T3EXTJH.S3D-A.TT, I'EBIR.TT-A.H.Y 22, 1355. 



The day opened brightly, and the membership of the 0. U. A. assembled 
in representative numbers, in compliance with the Orders of the Grand Mar- 
shal, Capt. John C. Helme of the Continental Guards, Wm. B. Weiss, Esq , 
acting as his Special Aid. 

The line formed in East Broadway, right resting on Catharine street, and 
moved at half-past 11, A. M. precisely, in the following order : — 
FIRST DIVISION. 
Mounted Cavalcade. 
Grand Marshal. 
Aids, Albert J. Bogart, Lewis J. Parker, H. Merritt, J. W. Jarboe, Albert 
Fisher, D. Griscome, Thaddeus Avery, R. J. Luckey, L. B. Bruen. 
Marshal, J. H. Briggs. 
Aids, B. C. Dean, George W. Thurber. 
Band. 
Continental Guard, under the command of Lieut. Wm. H. Van Valor. 
The Honorable the Chancery of the State of New York. 
The Honorable the Arch Chancery of the United States. 
The Honorable the Chanceries of New Jersey, Connecticut, Penn- 
sylvania and Massachusetts. 
Passed Grand Sachems, Orator of the Day, Passed Grand 
Chaplains and Clergy in carriages. 
Alpha Chapter, No. 1. 
Band. 
Washington Continental Guard, commanded by Captain Darrow. 
Washington Chapter, No. 2. 
Band. 
American Volunteers, Captain Morgan. 
Warren Chapter No. 3. 



20 



SECOND DIVISION. 

Marshal, James Van Brunt. 

Aids, Willard H. Smith, F. R. Wood. 

Band. 

American Continentals, Captain Thomas R. Hull. 

Manhattan Chapter, No. 4. 

Band. 

Baxter Light Guard, Capt. George Thompson. 

Lawrence Chapter, No. 5. 

Band. 

Military Escort. 

American Chapter, No. 6, Columbia Chapter, No. 7. 

Band. 

Liberty Guard, Captain Young. 

Putnam Chapter, No. 8. 

Band. 

Military Escort. 

Paulding Chapter, No. 10. 



THIRD DIVISION. 

Marshal, Joseph Souder. 

Aids, J. C. Wandell, J. A. Boutelle. 

Band. • 

Lone Star Guard, commanded by Capt. Henderson, 

Continental Chapter, No. 12, Ethan Allen Chapter, No. 20, 

Hancock Chapter, No. 14, Charter Oak Chapter, No. 22, 

Lexington Chapter, No. 17, "Woodhull Chapter, No. 24, 

National Chapter, No. 18, Bunker Hill Chapter, No. 27. 



FOURTH DIVISION. 

Marshal, Benj. J. Belden. 

Aids, F. Spear, G. A. Nurse. 

Band. 

Military Escort. 

Excelsior Chapter, No. 28, Republican Chapter, No. 36, 

Schuyler Chapter, No. 30, Tappan Chapter, No. 40, 

Jasper Chapter, No. 35, New York Chapter, No. 41, 

E Pluiibus Unum Chapter, No. 43. 



FIFTH DIVISION. 

Marshal, Joseph A. Foster. 

Aids, W. H. Brmkerhoff, J. W. Dupree. 

Band. 

L. C. Stiles Musketeers, Capt. Win. B. Freligh. 

Ironsides Chapter, No. 47, Ringgold Chapter, No. 48. 

Junior Sons of America. 



21 

SIXTH DIVISION. 

Marshal, George W. Roome. 
Aids, George H. Hall, Joseph Labatoe. 
Band. 
Military Escort. 
Wayne Chapter, No. 52, Montauk Chapter, No. 60, 
Fort Green Chapter, No. 54, Henry Clay Chapter, No. 61, 
United States Chapter, No. 57, Flushing Chapter, No. 65. 
Band. 
Military Escort. 
Nathan Hale Chapter, No. 66. 
Brooklyn Chapter, No. 68, American Flag Chapter, No. 84. 
Central City Chapter, No. 71, Daniel Boone Chapter, No. 86. 

The column counter-marched up East Broadway to Grand Street, through 
Grand to the Bowery, down the Bowery to Chatham Street, down Chatham 
to the Park, and through the Park in front of the City Hall, where it was 
reviewed by the Mayor and Common Council. 

As the procession entered the Park, a national salute was fired under di- 
rection of Capt. Castle. 

The Order, after being reviewed, proceeded up Broadway, around Union 
Square, down Fourth Avenue and Fourteenth Street, to the Academy of 
Music, where the exercises of the day were held. 

It was remarked on this occasion that the Order never presented a finer 
appearance. The Chancery of the State having honored their t visiting 
brethren of the Arch Chancery U. S., and of the Chanceries and Chapters 
of other States with a large representation from their own body, made 
quite an imposing effect, and one suiting the occasion, it being the first ap- 
pearance of the Arch-Chancery regalia in the line. The Chapters and their 
Military Escorts tried to outvie each other, hence there was no deficiency in 
pageantry. Temples and goddesses of liberty, with other artistic effects and 
banners of the order, were supported on cars drawn by steeds richly capari- 
soned, while many national ensigns and chapter banners, together with the 
banner of the Chancery 0. U. A. State of New- York, were carried by hand 
upon staffs or appropriate trucks. The mounted cavalcade made an effec- 
tive appearance, and one feature worthy of notice was a troop of Shetland 
ponies mounted by Young America, whose youthful Seniors the Junior Sons 
of America being in the line in full regalia, and presenting a well ordered 
appearance, deserve honorable mention. Nothing tended to check the pro- 
cession, other than an unavoidable detention on the route, preventing the 
fines reaching the Academy with that punctuality for which the Grand 
Marshal of the day is noted. Throughout the route the streets were lined 
with spectators, and at the Academy it was ascertained that the doors had 
to be closed at one o'clock, the house having been literally filled at that 
time, excepting the parquet and stage reserved for the Order. Some eight 
thousand only could be admitted to a sight of the stage, but fifteen thousand 
were estimated to have occupied the entire building, and the half of that 
number to have departed, together with as many thousands who had sought 
but could not obtain admittance. 



22 

PROCEEDINGS AT THE ACADEMY OF MUSIC. 

The procession arrived at the Academy of Music about half-past two 
o'clock, and the interior of the theatre was in a few minutes crowded from 
the parquet to the rear of the upper tier of boxes. 

" A sort of soft twilight pervaded the theatre at the time, the only artifi- 
cial light being an elegant candelabra on the desk of the orator of the day, 
and the footlights — a peculiar effect was thus given to the scene, and ren- 
dered it, if not brilliant, at least remarkably pleasing to the eye. A large 
proportion of the audience were well-dressed females and children, and the 
view from the stage was one that would have made Ole Bull's intellectual 
face become radiant with smiles. Shelton's fine brass band occupied the 
orchestra, and previous to the commencement of the exercises, played seve- 
ral popular airs, greatly to the gratification of the assembly." 

Upon the entrance of the Order the scene was truly imposing. The re- 
galias of the Arch-Chancery and Chancery — of the Sachems, officers and 
members of Chapters in their varying colors of buff, blue, "red and white, 
and combined red, white and blue — the national ensigns — bristling bay- 
onets and uniforms of the military — the decorations of the house and im- 
mense audience, all combined to make an effect to be realized upon inspec- 
tion only, not compassed with words. 

The decorations were simple, yet effective, as in keeping with the house. 
The Academy being one of the most chaste and richly decorated buildings in 
the city, it was deemed advisable to decorate the ceiling lightly with 
American pendants draped from the centre to the cornice over the gallery, 
giving thus in airy festoons the types of the banner of our country. The 
gallery was dressed with commingled red, white and blue bunting lightly 
festooned to be in keeping with the ceiling decoration. 

A hall scene was chosen for the stage, giving thus its greatest capacity 
with perspective. The rear columns of the hall were curtained with rich 
silk ensigns, forming a tent like apartment or national camp, within which 
was placed a Temple of Liberty. From the heavy beams of the hall scene 
ceiling, and over the stage, were suspended many banners of the Order, bear- 
ing designs appropriate to the day, with equally appropriate inscriptions. The 
entire drapery of the stage was effected with large American ensigns, sur- 
mounted with banners of the Order representing Washington, Franklin, and 
Mount Vernon, and pendant from these at the centre was the emblem of 
the Order, with the motto: " Fraternal Union," " Love of Country," and 
immediately under that a full length portrait of our " Patriot Sire," with in- 
scriptions in letters of gold, "The warning voice of Washington," "Beware 
of Foreign Influence." Upon the proscenium boxes were placed lesser ban- 
ners of the Order, together with (on the right hand side) the Arms of the 
State of New York, embroidered in gold ; also the Ensign of the Thirteen Ori- 
ginal States, bearing the thirteen stars embroidered in silver ; on the left 
hand side the ensign of the present 31 states, similarly embroidered, with 
the 31 stars wrought into a star. To these ensigns the Orator of the Day had 
occasion to refer. 

Upon the stage were seated : — The Rev. the Clergy, the Orator of the 
Day, Invited Guests, the Grand Marshal, Aids and Cavalcade, the Arch- 
Chancery of the U. S., past Officers, Officers and members of the Chancery 
of this and other States, and Officers of the Military Escort. 



23 

In the parquet and parquet circle were seated the Military Escorts and 
Chapters of the Order, bringing the rich uniform of the Continental Guards 
of Capts. Helme and Darrow's commands immediately in front of the stage. 
Thus was completed the tableaux to the audience. That presented to the 
Order, especially to that portion of it situated upon the stage, was peculiarly 
grand, the scene being one continued sea of heads from the floor of the par- 
quet to the roof of the gallery in its most distant reach, commingled with so 
much of .the rich attire of the audience — uniform of the Military and rega- 
lias of the Order as their respective positions in the parquet and front seats 
of the circles would bring to view in so dense a mass, which, taken together 
with the decorations of the house, (proscenium boxes, fronts of galleries and 
ceiling) places the Order still in debt to the audience and master architect 
for their ruling part in the display. Nor does this embrace the entire scenic 
display., The lobbies were a perfect bivouac — Military Companies that 
could gain no farther admittance had there stacked arms and were reclining 
upon the newly laid crash, seeking a rest from their marchings. The lob- 
bies being thus filled presented a novel and interesting scene to one passing 
through them. 

"While the Order and Guests were being seated, ■ the Band performed 
" Washington's Grand March." 

The ceremonies in the Hall were introduced by some appropriate remarks 
from the Past Grand Sachem Osborn, Chairman of the Committee of Del- 
egates. He said : 

Ladies and Gentlemen : — This is the eighth year that we, as an Association, have 
celebrated the Birthday of Washington, whose conduct is the only true standard 
for Americans, and we humbly emulate his merits. We have resolved that hence- 
forth this Anniversary shall be properly celebrated and be kept as a holiday. (Ap- 
plause). It is the anniversary of a happy day for America. (Great applause.) 
The exercises will now be proceeded with. 

The " Ode of Welcome" wa& then sung by the Order, standing. 

An appropriate patriotic Prayer was next offered by the Rev. J. L. Wood, 
after which a " Recitative and Aria," from the " Ode to Washington," 
by C. E. Horn, was given in a pleasing and effective manner, by Mrs. Ma- 
ria T. Lyon. 

Letters from " Invited Guests" were then read by Secretary Charles E. 
Gildersleve. (They will be found in adjoining pages). 

After which the Band played " Hail Columbia," and was followed by a 
"Quartette," the words composed for the occasion by S. R. Elliot, Esq., 
and the music arranged by Prof. G. W. T. Jones. 

QUARTETTE. 
When startled by our country's woes, 

So long in silence borne, 
Indignant justice sternly rose, 
• And laughed all fear to scorn. 
Throughout the forest's of the west, 

She bade her sons arise, 
And strove to kindle every breast, 

Though bound by foreign ties ; 
A guiding star shone brightly forth 

To lead those heroes on, 
And rightly they esteemed his worth, 

The glorious Washington. 



24 

Like Freedom's bird he proudly soar'd, 

Columbia's fairest child, 
And on the land that he ador'd, 

Indulgent fortune smil'd. 
He nobly cheer' d his countrymen, 

When all their hopes were dim, 
His heart was for his country then, 

Her heart is now for him. 
And now his honor'd ashes rest, 

Calm as the tombstone o'er him, 
Within the ever-grateful breast 

Of that bright land that bore him. 

High o'er this land fair freedom floats, 

Though now her sword is sheath'd, 
And hush'd are those wild warlike notes, 

Which once of battle breath'd. 
Prosperity undimmed may smile, 

Nor will her smiles decrease, 
Or aught disturb her calmness, while 

Her throne is shared by peace. 
And while the prayers of just and brave 

Are heard in heav'n above, 
Our starry banner still will wave 

High o'er the land we love. 

Next, followed the " Oration," by the Hon. Thomas R. Whitney, Past Arch 
Grand Sachem 0, U. A. of the United States, which was received with 
marked attention and unbounded applause. 

The Band then played " Hail to the Chief," after which Daniel Ull- 
man, Esq., being called by the audience, came forward and made some 
short but quite appropriate remarks. 

The " Quartette" produced the " Star Sjjangled Banner," as arranged 
expressly for this occasion, by W. H. Fry, Esq. % 

Benediction was then pronounced by the Grand Chaplain of the State, 
and the audience and chapters retired, the band performing " Yankee 
Doodle." 

Throughout the entire demonstration the most perfect order and quiet 
was preserved, and it is now clearly realized that the anniversary of 
Washington's Birth has become a National Day, to be celebrated in a civic 
and quiet manner, in commemoration of the many blessings bestowed upon 
us as a free and independent people by the Dispenser of All Good through 
the advent of him whom we revere as the t: Father of his Country." 



Committee of Invitation and Reception. 
Charles E. Gildersleve, George H. Raymond, James H. Thayer. 
Committee of Arrangements. 
Daniel Mackey, Frederick C. Wagner, Alexander Gedney, 

George F. Hopper, Samuel Hall, John S. Shelley, 

Stephen R. Thome, John Wilson, T. Mayo Bartlett. 

John B. Velsor, Charles F. Russell, Edward J. Knight. 

William Ronalds. 

Wm. W. OSBORN, Chairman of Com. of Del. 
JOSEPH C. HULSE, CHAS. E. GILDERSLEVE, Secretaries. 



Jtfiiero from fttbiiefo §m$t$. 



From Hon. Erastus Brooks, of New-York. 

State of New-York, Senate Chamber, ) 
Albany, Feb. 15, 1855. \ 

Gentlemen — I am in possession of your invitation to attend the 123d Anniver- 
sary of the birthday of "Washington. My public duties will not permit me to be 
with you in person upon that interesting occasion. I rejoice, however, that the day 
js to be celebrated in our common city, as I hope it may be all over the State and 
Union. America has had but one "Washington, and the best evidence of that great 
truth is found in the fact that every true son and daughter of America appreciates 
his superior excellence as a Patriot, a Soldier and a Public Man. Of almost all 
others of our most distinguished public men we hold differences of opinion, and 
where we admit their great virtues or wisdom, we can find, even in the best of them 
none of that perfect excellence of character which prompts us to ascribe to George 
"Washington the peculiar excellence of being the Father of his country. But he was 
more than this. Lord Brougham, one of the most eminent citizens of a country 
against which Washington led the armies of the United States, pronounced him to 
be " the greatest man of our own or any age," and as a good reason for your organ, 
izations, and as a noble incentive to perpetuate them forever, he has also said that 
" until time shall be no more, will a test of the progress which our race has made 
in wisdom and in virtue be derived from the veneration paid to the immortal name 
of "Washington." This is the opinion of the great, the good and wise throughout 
the intelligent world. But, Gentlemen, we are not only to remember Washington 
for his services to his country, and to cherish his memory for the good he did ; it is 
our ,duty, as far as in us lies, to imitate his excellence, and to teach his precepts. 
His whole public policy was eminently patriotic, national and conservative, wish- 
ing well to all mankind, and sympathizing with every oppressed and unfortunate 
people under the sun, his best affections were centered in his own country. He con- 
jured his countrymen to act against the insidious wiles of Foreign Influence. He 
inculcated a spirit of justice and peace with all nations. He was the first to recom- 
mend to the American people a plan to extricate themselves from the bane of a large 
foreign indebtedness, by suggesting plans for sustaining American manufactures 



26 

and American labor. But time would fail me to recount one-half the lessons of true 
wisdom which he has left upon, the record for our instruction, and I can only say, 
in conclusion, forever blessed be the memory of George Washington. 
With great respect and esteem, 

Your friend and fellow citizen, 

ERASTUS BROOKS. 
Messrs. Chas. E. Gildersleve, \ 

Geo. H. Raymond, > Committee. 

James H. Thayer, j 



From Governor Gardner, of Massachusetts. 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts, ) 

Executive Department, Council Chamber, Feb. 17, '55. ) 

C. E. Gildersleve, G. H. Raymond, and J. H. Thayer, Committee. 
Gentlemen : — 

I have the honor to acknowledge the invitation, this morning received, to at- 
tend a celebration, by the Order of United Americans, in your State, of the 123d 
Anniversary of the Birthday of Washington. 

I fully and heartily sympathize in the objects of your Order, so felicitously ex- 
pressed in your invitation, and should greatly rejoice to be able, personally, to join 
with you in sentiments so pertinent to, and naturally suggested by, the occasion. 

We have great cause to rejoice at the spread of American principles throughout 
our land, and to hail the auspicious omens of their full development which every 
day exhibits. 

Let us all do what lies in our power " for sustaining our National Institutions, 
for upholding our National Liberties, and freeing them from all foreign and deleter- 
ious influences whatever." He that would prove recreant at this crisis, is unworthy 
the privileges or sympathies of a freeman. 

But I have too entire confidence in universal education and the inherent love 
of liberty in the great American heart to fear evil from the wiles of politicians or the 
treachery of unworthy but professing friends. The«auspices of the present are fore- 
runners of a victorious future. 

I much regret that celebrations of the day analagous to yours, and which I 
have promised to participate in here, will prevent my being present with you, and, 
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your friend, 

HENRY J. GARDNER. 



From Senator John Bell, of Tennessee. 

Washington, Feb. 20, 1855. 

Gentlemen, 

The invitation you did me the honor to address to me, in behalf of the Order of 
United Americans of the State of New York, to unite with them in celebrating, ac- 



27 

cording to their usual custom, the coming anniversary of the birth of Washington, 
was received several days since, and I must beg that you will not impute to me any 
intentional discourtesy in failing to reply to it promptly. It was accidental, and 
the consequence of the constant succession of demands upon the attention of a mem. 
ber of Congress near the close of a short session. 

In your letter of invitation you state that it is the object of your order "ever to 
keep alive in the hearts of the people the teachings of the farewell address of the im- 
mortal Washington, and to promote and cherish a filial love for this noble land of their 
birth;" that you "propose again to celebrate the birthday of Washington, with 
sentiments of veneration for his memory, a profound respect for the precepts he 
taught, and to reiterate your determination to imitate his virtues, and adhere to his 
advice." No day in the year, save one, in my judgment, so well deserves to be ob- 
served as a national anniversary, and to be forever commemorated with appropriate 
and imposing ceremonies, as the twenty-second of February, by American citizens. 
Washington led our armies to victory in the momentous struggle for national inde- 
pendence. To the authority of his great name and the just weight of his counsels, 
we are mainly indebted for the constitution — the bond of the union between the 
States, without which the blood and treasure expended in the Eevolution would 
have been unavailing sacrifices ; and while to him, more than to any other individual 
belongs the glory of having been the founder of the Union, the wisdom of the warn, 
ings and precepts of his farewell address — unless the American people shall, unhap- 
pily, forget to duly honor his memory — will secure for him in after ages the super- 
added glory of having been its preserver. Nothing, then, can be more wise, pa- 
triotic and noble, in the designs of any association, than to cherish and venerate his 
memory, to imitate his virtues, and to keep alive in the hearts of the people the 
teachings of his farewell address. Indeed, the Farewell Address of Washington 
should be embraced in the course of instruction in every primary school of the 
country. 

In the further and more particular explanation of the objects of your order, 
you quote the following passages from the preamble of its constitution : 

" We disclaim all association with party politics. We hold no connection with 
party men. But we avow, distinctly, our purpose of doing whatever may seem 
best to us for sustaining our national institutions, for upholding our national liber- 
ties, and for freeing them from all foreign and pernicious influences whatever." 

Premising that, in your disclaimer of all association with party politics, or con- 
nection with party men, I presume that you simply mean to declare that you will 
have no affiliation with the existing political parties, or party leaders of the country 
as such, and that the members of your order, while they do not propose to be merely 
passive agents in the dissemination of sound and wholesome sentiments, but on the 
contrary are determined to employ an organization more compact, effective and 
powerful, than any ordinary party association, and to do whatever may seem to 
them best in carrying out the objects of their order, yet that they are, at the same 
time, equally determined to resist, as far as possible to avoid altogether those views 
of political parties in general which have their origin in a selfish, mercenary and 
ignoble ambition, and which tend so greatly to degrade them to the condition of 
mere factions, I can see no exceptionable feature in the programme of your order 



28 

as above set forth. On the contrary, to sustain our national institutions, to uphold 
our national liberties and to maintain them in their operation and progress, free 
from all foreign and deleterious influences 'whatever, I consider it to be the impera- 
tive duty of every American citizen. As to the means best adapted to effect these 
great purposes, men may differ, as doubtless there will be some difference of opinion 
in regard to them among the members of your order, but that they may be so for- 
tunate as to adopt the wisest means and such as will secure the accomplishment of 
those truly national objects, must be the ardent wish of every true American patriot. 
Appreciating highly the patriotic motives and objects of your association, as 
declared in your letter, as I do, I have to regret that my public duties, at this period 
of the session, as I esteemed their obligations, I must decline to accept, while I am 
grateful for the compliment of your invitation to be present on the occasion of your 
celebration of the Birthday of the Father of his Country. , 

I am, gentlemen, with sentiments of high respect, 

Tour obedient servant, 

JNO. BELL. 

Messrs. Chas. E. Gildersleve, 

Jas. H. Thayer, )■ Committee, Ac. Ac. 

Geo. H. Raymond, 



From Hon. W. H. Goodwin. 

State of New York, Senate Chamber, ) 
Albany, 14th Feb. 1855. J 

Gentlemen : 

Your polite note inviting me to attend the celebration of the 123d Anniversary 
of Washington's Birthday, is in hand, and most cordially do I thank you for the 
courteous remembrance. 

It is cheering to know, that, while opprobium is heaped upon the men who 
dare to assert what is truly American in political and social sentiments, there are 
strong hands and cordial hearts who earnestly sustain and are truly devoted to the 
name " American !" I regret, gentlemen;* that the pressure of my public duties 
here will not permit me to mingle in your fraternal festivities on the Birthday of 
our own Washington. 

Long may that venerated name be the rallying " call" of every American Pa- 
triot. 

With fraternal regards to your noble Brotherhood, 
I am, Gentlemen, 

Very respectfully, 

Your, ob't serv't, 

W. H. GOODWIN, 

Alias " SAM" of the 29th. 
To Messrs. Chas. E. Gildersleve, i 

Geo. H. Raymond, > 

James H. Thayer. ) 



29 

From Hon. Tappan Wentworth. 

Washington, Feb. 13, 1855. 
Gentlemen : 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of invitation to at- 
tend the customary celebration of the birthday of Washington, by the Order of the 
United Americans at New York. 

The sentiments you express, of veneration for the memory of Washington, of 
respect for his precepts, and a determination to imitate his virtues and adhere to 
his advice, are worthy of the highest consideration. And whilst the practice of 
such professions cannot fail to give to your Order a high rank among the societies 
of the country, its separation from party politics will add to the consideration with 
which its professions will be entertained. 

The desire to keep alive in the hearts of the people the principles of the " Fare- 
well Address " is worthy the object of a distinct association; and it would give me 
pleasure to unite in any ceremony tending to promote that object. 

My engagements here will prevent my accepting your invitation ; but you have 
my best wishes for the success of the doctrines contained in your letter. 

With great respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

TAPPAN WENTWORTH. 

Messrs. Charles E. Gildeesleve, \ 

Geo. H. Raymond, s Committee on Invitation. 

Jas. H. Thayer, 5 



From Hon. Benjamin Pringle. 

House of Representatives, ) 
Washington, D. C, Feb. 17, 1855. j 

Gentlemen : 

I have received your invitation to attend the celebration of the anniversary of 
the Birth of Washington, by the Order of United Americans. 

The principles of the Order, as avowed in your letter of invitation, meet my 
cordial approval. I rejoice with all true Americans that these principles are being 
extended, and trust that they are destined to prevail throughout our whole country. 

It would be a pleasure to have it in my power to be with you on that occasion, 
but my duties will not allow me to absent myself from Washington at this time. 

Thanking you for your courtesy, I remain gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your ob't serv't, 

BENJAMIN PRINGLE. 

C. E. GlLDERSLEVE, 

G. H. Raymond, and )■ Committee. 
J. H. Thayer, 



30 

From Hon. G. A. Scroggs. 

Buffalo, Feb. 20, 1855. 
Gentlemen : 

I am very happy to acknowledge the receipt of your invitation to be present at 
a celebration by the Order of United Americans, of the coming anniversary of the 
Birth of Washington, enclosing a complimentary ticket. And I regret exceedingly 
that my engagements here are such on that day, and icith the same Order, that I can- 
not avail myself of the honor of being present. 

Absence from home has prevented me from answering sooner. 

With assurances that I shall always feel it may duty to co-operate with the 
brethren of our Order in promoting its great and glorious objects, 
I am, very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

G. A. SCROGGS. 
To Messrs. Gildeksleve, ) 

Raymond, > Committee. 

Thayer, ) 



From Hon. J. B. Goodrich. 

House of Representatives, ) 

Washington, Feb. 20, 1855. J 
Messrs. Chas. E. Gildersleve, Geo. H. Raymond and Jas. H. Thayer. 
Gentlemen : 
My temporary absence from Washington has prevented an earlier reply to 
your invitation to attend the celebration of " The Order of United Americans," of 
the coming anniversary of the birth of Washington, Approving heartily of the 
object of your order, as expressed in your letter of invitation, viz : " Ever to keep 
" alive in the hearts of the people the teachings of the Farewell Address of the im- 
" mortal Washington, and to promote and cherish a filial love for this noble land 
" of our birth," I shall nevertheless be unable to attend your celebration. In view 
of the early close of the session of Congress, it will be my duty to remain here. 
With great respect, I have the honor to be, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. B. GOODRICH. 



From Senator S. P. Chase, of Ohio. 

Washington, Feb. 10, 1855. 
Gentlemen : 

The pressing duties of the last days of the session make it impossible for me to 
accept the invitation with which you have honored me, to unite in the celebration 
at New York of the Birthday of Washington, a day the annual recurrence of which 
should ever be marked by manifestations of veneration for the memory of the first of 



31 

men, and of gratitude to God who raised him up for the deliverance of his 
country. 

Yours, very respectfully, 

S. P. GHASE. 
Charles E. Gildersleve, 

Geo. H. Raymond, Committee, &c. New York. 

James H. Thayer, 



From Hon. Z. Clark. 

Senate Chamber, ) 

Albany, Feb'y 13, 1855. J 
Gentlemen : 

Your polite invitation to be present at the celebration of the Birthday of 
Washington, at the Academy of Music in the City of New York, on the 22d inst., is 
this day received. 

"While it would afford me great pleasure to unite with fellow-citizens on all 
proper occasions to do honor to the name of Washington, the condition of my 
health, in connection with my duties here, compel me respectfully to decline your 
complimentary invitation. 

Americans feel a just pride in being citizens of the country of Washington, and 
will ever venerate his memory, cherish the most " profound respect for the precepts 
he taught, imitate his virtues, and adhere to his advice." 

With the acknowledgement of these truly American sentiments, please accept 
my thanks for your kind invitation. 

Very respectfully, 
Yours, 



Z. CLARK. 



To C. E. Gildersleve, 

Geo. H. Raymond, \ Committee, &c. 

Jas. H. Thayer, 



From Hon. Edward Dickinson. 

House of Representatives, U. S. ) 
Washington, Feb. 13, 1855. \ 

Messrs. Chas. E. Gilder sleeve and others, Com. of Invitation, 
Gentlemen : 

I have received your kind invitation to join the Order of United Americans, in 
celebrating the anniversary of the birth of Washington, on the 22d inst., in New- 
York. 

It would give me pleasure to meet and mingle with patriotic associations under 
whatever name, who take Washington for their pattern and the principles of his 
Farewell Address for their creed, and who strive to imitate his virtues, whom all 
true Americans regard as the " Father of his Country." 

My public duties, however, will prevent the possibility of an acceptance of 
your invitation. But accept the assurance of my esteem for yourself and the other 
members of the committee, and believe me, your obliged friend, 

EDW. DICKINSON. 






32 

From Hon. J. V. C. Smith, Mayor of Boston. 

Boston, Feb. 17, 1855. 
To Charles E. Gildersleve, Esq. : 

Sir : — The Committee of the Order of United Americans in the City of New 
York, will please accept my thanks for their kind invitation to attend the celebra- 
tion of Washington's Birthday on the 22d of February. Official duties are so press- 
ing that it is hardly possible to leave town for a single day, and I am therefore obli- 
ged to deny myself the gratification which the occasion would afford for paying my 
respects to a brotherhood whose principles meet the approval of the true friends of 
their country. 

Very respectfully, I have the honor to remain, 

Tour obedient Servant, 

J. V. C. SMITH. 




PATRIOTISM, CHARITY AND HARMONY. 



